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Continued
from Epoch of the communism …
In 1947 nationalization of industrial property, banking, transport,
mining was carried out. Opposition was crushed by means of judicial
and extra-judicial reprisals. Finally, all "bourgeois"
parties were disbanded, save a group of subservient BANU functionaries
as a facade of presumably "two party" system. At the 5th
congress of the BCP (1948), Georgi Dimitrov declared its domination
and announced that the country had to build socialism in historically
shortest terms.
What followed in the next decades was more or less orthodox realization
of the Soviet model. Bulgaria experienced massive industrialization
with emphasis on heavy industry. Before World War II, Bulgarian
industry contributed only 17 per cent of net national income. As
a result of heavy industrialization program in 1985 about 60 per
cent of the national income was generated in the industrial sector,
and only 13 per cent in agriculture. But new industrial enterprises,
gigantomanic in some cases, were economically ineffective and required
enormous state subsidies. By the mid-1980s, the potential of growth
of such type of economy was exhausted, and foreign loans and import
of Western technologies did not help much. The only lasting result
was piling of useless industrial equipment and accumulation of huge
(by Bulgarian standards) debt of $ 11 billion, mostly to Western
European and Japanese banks.
Since the early 1950s agriculture was subjected to "mass collectivization".
Land was taken from the peasants, and they were herded in cooperative
farms. These were also ineffective, and required large subsidies
from the state budget.
In political terms Bulgaria had not seen many changes during the
45 years of Communist rule, since the system remained principally
unmodified and inert. After denunciation of Stalin's "cult
of personality" Todor Zhivkov was made first secretary of the
party mostly because of obvious mediocrity. He outmanoeuvred potential
rivals, and assumed enormous power. Under his rule, Bulgaria was
unquestionably loyal to Moscow, and was unaffected politically or
ideologically by the upheavals in Hungary in 1956, in Czechoslovakia
in 1968 or in Poland in 1980. Despite political reprisals and stifling
atmosphere of police surveillance, there were less protests or dissidence.
Although standard of life was low, socialism had an appeal for the
mass of population with guaranteed full employment, free medical
service, price controls, social benefits, and even slackened work
discipline, and corresponded to primarily egalitarian set of mind.
Todor Zhivkov, who by the late 1980s was one of the longest ruling
Communist dictators and had outlived five Soviet leaders despite
loyalty to Moscow, was lukewarm to Gorbachev's perestroika. That
is why legal opposition first took form in the Club of support of
glasnost and perestroika founded by Dr Zhelev and other intellectuals
in the winter of 1988. Zhivkov's regime was discredited internally
and before the world by the counterproductive results of the "regeneration
campaign", that is, forced Bulgarianization of ethnic Turks
by replacing their Turkish-Arabic names with Christian-Slavonic,
which started in 1984-1985. When Zhivkov opened the border in 1989,
the exodus of about 300,000 Turks followed. Seeing that he had lost
confidence of Moscow, Mr Zhivkov's colleagues from Politburo of
the BCP, deposed him on November 10, 1989. This event, whose significance
is disputed by some analysts and historians, falls more or less,
into the pattern of revolutions in Eastern Europe that swept away
Communist regimes and put an end to the Soviet bloc.
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